situation in Peking and other because they had
 reservations about the course of the Cultural Revolution.
 The military swung solidly into line in
 late january and early February, however, at a time
 when the Cultural Revolution was being moderated.
 A firm causal connection cannot be established on
 the basis of the evidence available, but the sequence
 of events suggests that the views of military
 leaders were probably a factor--perhaps a major
 one-in Peking's decision to put a damper on "rebel"
 activity.
 It seems likely that the military establishment
 is an essentially conservative political organism,
 and as such would opt for stability and unity. There
 is no way of knowing whether a significant number
 of commanders would have defied Peking if the Cultural
 Revolution had not been moderated toward the
 end of January. Doubts on this score almost certainly
 existed at the center, however, and would
 have provided powerful support for arguments in favor
 of a change in tactics.
 When it appeared that the restoration of order
 had been given priority by Peking and moves were
 made or reassure the military concerning the conduct
 of the Cultural Revolution within the armed forces,
 the army moved into action decisively. This is a
 reflection of the extent to which China has become
 a modern state, with an army motivated by nationalistic
 patriotism.
 Despite indications that some military leaders
 were uncertain about whom to support in Peking, and
 that a few may for a time have backed efforts by
 regional political authorities to maintain their
 positions, there has been no evidence of wavering
 loyalty to the state within the officer corps at
 large or among the rank and file, or of any widespread
 disposition to support a movement toward
 secession.
 Once the military took an active role, resistance
 in the provinces collapsed and there were
 indications in February that the brakes had been
 applied to the Cultural Revolution. In early March,
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